October 24, 1964

Congratulations Mrs. Kennedy. You are carrying twins this time, Dr.Booth said.

I'm what, You said.

See. Baby A and Baby B, Dr.Booth said as she points at the screen.

I'm going to kill my husband, You said.

I say that you about one month and week along, Dr.Booth said.

______________________________________

You are already familiar with the reception in the House of the President’s speech. Only twice did applause break out and then it rippled fitfully across the crowded hall of Congress and died. Reporters noted that never in recent history had a presidential message been received with such a deep sense of awareness of what that message might eventually mean to the security of this country and to the peace of the world. The President, as you will remember, stated that “Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy,” and that Turkey must also have assistance if it is to maintain its security.

This preoccupation of the United States with those countries that form the bridgehead of the peoples and civilizations of the East and the once-powerful, now destitute and suffering people of Europe, is no new one for the United States. It was not President Truman who said, “A strong hope has long been entertained, founded on the heroic struggle of the Greeks, that they would succeed in their contest and resume their equal station among the nations of the earth. It is believed that the whole civilized world would take a deep interest in their welfare.” It was not President Truman but that able, cautious man who first enunciated the doctrine that placed American strength behind the guarantee of freedom for the western hemisphere, James Monroe.

I support the President’s proposal for assistance to the governments of Greece and Turkey. I feel it to be essential to the security of our country. I propose here to give the reasons for my belief.

Long a cornerstone of our foreign policy has been the belief that American security would be dangerously threatened if the continent of Europe or that of Asia was dominated by anyone's power.

We fought in 1917 when it appeared that Germany would break the thinning lines of the French and the British and win through to domination of the European continent. We fought again in 1941 to oppose the domination of Asia by the Empire of Japan. We fought in Europe to prevent the fall of Britain and of Russia and the consequent subjugation of Europe and Africa and the Middle East.

The Atomic Bomb and guided-missile have not yet weakened that corner-stone. We would still fight, I believe, to prevent Europe and Asia from becoming dominated by one great military power and we will oppose bitterly, I believe, the suffering people of Europe and Asia succumbing to the false, soporific ideology of Red totalitarianism. Our proposed assistance to Greece and Turkey, therefore, is not turning the page to a new chapter in American Foreign Policy. Our Foreign Policy is the same as it has always been from the day that the discerning Monroe first enunciated the principles of the Monroe Doctrine. It merely means that time and space have brought a new interpretation to that historical document.

We have only to look at the map to see what might happen if Greece and Turkey fell into the Communist orbit. The road to the Middle East would be flung open. The traditional goal of the Russian foreign policy, an opening to the Mediterranean with all of its strategic implications would be gained. If we give way and Greece and Turkey succumb, it would have tremendous strategic ideological repercussions throughout the world. It would be a sign to all of those hard-pressed governments who are resisting those disciples of the party line, who feed on the misery and despair of the post-war world. Our neutrality would strengthen greatly the prestige of Soviet Russia. The barriers would be down and the red tide would flow across the face of Europe and through Asia with new power and vigor.

I should like to deal with some of the objections which have been made with regard to the proposals for assistance. One of the most frequent objections, and one which is to be carefully considered, is that the proposed loans are unfriendly acts and enhance the prospects of war.

It seems to me that the war with Russia might arise in two ways. The greatest danger is a war that would be waged by the conscious decision of the leaders of Russia some 25 or 35 years from now. At that time, Russia will have a greater population than all the rest of Europe and could challenge even this country in steel production and overall power. She will have the Atomic Bomb, the Planes, the Ports, and the Ships to wage aggressive war outside her borders. Such a conflict would truly mean the end of the world and all our diplomacy and prayers must be exerted to avoid it.

I do not believe that Russia wants war now. Nevertheless, as General Eisenhower said the other day,” All wars are stupid and they can occur stupidly.” There is a real danger that Russia may stumble into a war that she may not want because of a series of bad guesses and bad information. The Russian information and intelligence services are, I believe, among the poorest in the world despite all the glamorous nonsense which seems to be written about them. The reports which these services supply to the Kremlin cannot be checked against any independent sources of information. You will not find in the world today freely traveling Russian newspapermen foreign traders, tourists or residents abroad. The Kremlin’s view of world affairs, therefore, is bound to be limited.

This, to my mind, balances the short-term danger of a conflict with the Soviet Union. Let us suppose that puppet governments are installed in Greece and Turkey which then establish still closer relations with Poland, Rumania, Yugoslavia, Albania, and the Soviet Union. The centuries-old Russian dream of domination of the straits and access to the vast areas to the south and east would be realized and realized with practically no sacrifice. We may then well imagine that she might decide to round out her Mediterranean bastion by annexing a few crumbs of territory here and there, said in Northern Iran or the Eastern Provinces of Turkey. She would expect to get such trifles at little cost only to be bitterly shocked and surprised to discover that she had touched off a world war.

If you consider this fantastic, look for a moment at Hitler’s Reich. After the Diplomatic failures at Munich and the subsequent swallowing up of Czechoslovakia, Hitler’s information services told him that the British and French and Americans would do nothing about Poland. They were wrong about Britain and France, and the result we know.

To me, all this adds up to the fact that the use of American dollars and credits in Greece and Turkey now will make it possible for us to avoid sending men later, and will avert a repetition of the process I have just described.

The second objection to the President’s proposals and one which is most often heard, I believe, is that we are willfully by-passing the United Nations. It is extraordinary what strange bedfellows this crisis has made and what sudden friendships have come to the aid of the United Nations: Imagine Henry Wallace and Senator Wherry on the same side.

Many people do, however, sincerely feel that the United Nations has been slighted. I think the feeling arises from some confusion as to what the United Nations can do. It is not equipped to deal with every problem in international affairs nor is there anything in the concept of the United Nations which precludes one nation from asking another for assistance as Greece has asked the United States.

The United Nations is now ready and able to deal effectively with that part of the problem which arises from outside Greece’s borders and in doing so. Greece has charged before the Security Council that armed bands operating within her territory are partly supplied, trained, and given refuge in Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and Albania and that these bands are moving back and forth across the border. Greece has asked the United Nations for help in dealing with this situation and the Security Council has appointed a commission that is now investigating Greek charges on the spot. The United States took an energetic part in setting up this commission and, I am sure, we hope that its findings will afford the basis for a settlement of at least that part of the question.

However, Greece has asked this country for economic and financial assistance for supplies and funds to cope with its internal difficulties. UNNRA and the British have been helping Greece with these problems but the present crisis has arisen because these supports must be withdrawn.

There is no organization in the United Nations that is ready to give such support. The World Bank is primarily designed to make loans of self-liquidating character and it is doubtful if it could or would take up a Greek loan. Furthermore, the bank simply is not organized to function at the present time. It is only just beginning to consider applications and as yet has made no loans whatsoever.

The United Nations has had neither the funds nor the organization to do the job of this character. We cannot afford to wait until it has, or even to go through a long pro forma effort which we know will be futile in the end.

Moreover, we must remember that the whole concept of the United Nations is that of the revolution of law backed up by force utilized under the guidance and restraint of the Security Council. So far, no progress has been made in establishing the military contingents which are to back up Security Council decisions. Why? Because the Soviet Union has dragged its feet constantly in the discussions of the military staff committee which was to draw plans for the enforcement measures. Besides all this, there is yet no settlement of the territorial problems arising from the last war, no peace settlement, in fact, and no generally accepted plan for the control of atomic weapons, nor for the regulation of armaments.

Nevertheless, the United Nations is ga re ea at hope for the future. I do hope personally that the administration will inform and keep the United Nations abreast of all moves that it will take in this Greek and Turkish matter. We already have the Administration’s assurance that it is studying measures whereby the United Nations can help. Senator Austin is making a statement to the Security Council tomorrow which may throw some light on the problem. It would, however, mean an early collapse of the United Nations Organization if we were to place on its infant'shoulders a burden which it cannot yet bear and with which it was, in fact, never intended it should deal.

Another objection to the President’s plan is based on the allegedly “undemocratic and reactionary” Greek Government which our loan would support in power. The facts are these: In accordance with the Yalta Agreement, a civil mission composed of the representatives of the United States, England, and France (Russia refused to join), was sent to Greece to determine the fairness of the recent election. In the conclusion of the report, this mission unanimously stated: “that notwithstanding the present intensity of political emotions in Greece, conditions were such as to warrant the holding of elections, that the election proceedings were, on the whole, free and fair, and that the general outcome represented the true verdict of the Greek people”. Not only were the elections closely observed by the mission, but polls were taken which substantiated the results. 1,117,000 votes were recorded out of a possible 1,850,000. The E.A.H. as a matter of policy abstained from voting and it is estimated by the mission that they reduced the number of those voting by about 15%. Thus, the election was free and fair. The Greek government now contains elements of all parties with the exception of communists.

Thank you, Jack said.

( Later that night )

So. How did the appointment go today, He asked?

It went well, You said.

The doctor told me something today, You said.

What, Jack said.

Here you go, You said.

An Ultrasound?

Look at it really good, You said.

Twins?

Yep. We are having twins, You said.

Omg. Five kids, Jack said.

After the twins are born. You aren't getting me pregnant again for the six-time, You said.

We will see about that Mrs. Kennedy, Jack said with a smirk.

The babies are sleeping for the night.

Finally, they are sleep, You said.

It going be hard with Twins, Jack said.

Yes, It is, You said.

Goodnight. I love u.

Night. I love u too.

You two kiss.